[122] In the tradition of many colonial armies, it was primarily organised into light infantry battalions trained and equipped for counter-insurgency warfare or internal security actions,[123] and possessed little artillery or armour. [56] This allowed the South African and Portuguese governments to maintain they were continuing to respect British sovereignty while also accepting the practical authority of the Smith administration.[57]. A number of ZAPU dissidents rejected Nkomo's authority and formed their own organisation, the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), with Ndabangingi Sithole as its president and Robert Mugabe as its general secretary. In November 1971, Douglas-Home renewed contacts with Salisbury and announced a proposed agreement that would be satisfactory to both sides it recognised Rhodesia's 1969 constitution as the legal frame of government, while agreeing that gradual legislative representation was an acceptable formula for unhindered advance to majority rule. Following Cecil Rhodes's dictum of "equal rights for all civilised men", there was no overt racial component to the franchise. [29] However, once Rhodesia had been introduced as a topic for discussion in international bodies, extension of the status quo became a matter of concern to the British government, which perceived the scrutiny as a serious embarrassment to the United Kingdom. The US government responded by saying the Rhodesian mission and its staff had no official diplomatic status and violated no US laws. In 1980, the post-independence government of Zimbabwe inherited a US$500 million national debt.[112]. Mike Subritzky, a former NZ Army ceasefire monitor in Rhodesia, in 1980 described the war as "both bloody and brutal and brought out the very worst in the opposing combatants on all three sides. These states wanted South Africa to pressure Ian Smith to accept a faster transition to majority rule in Rhodesia, in return for pledges of non-interference in South Africa's internal affairs. - HOW TO NAVIGATE OUR WEBSITE In April 1979 special forces carried out a raid on Joshua Nkomo's residence in Lusaka (Zambia) with the stated intention of assassinating him. [36] In its turn, the Rhodesian Trade Office in Lisbon functioned as a de facto embassy and caused tension with London, which objected to Rhodesia conducting its own foreign policy. [6] Over the next nine years Rhodesian companies, spiting the freezing of their assets and blocking of overseas accounts, also perfected cunning techniques of sanctions evasion through both local and foreign subsidiaries, which operated on a clandestine trade network. [103] Van der Byl was a hard-line opponent of any form of compromise with domestic opposition or the international community since before UDI. Malawi,[136] Israel, South Africa, Portugal and Iran did not comply with economic sanctions against Rhodesia. "[81] Nevertheless, aside from intelligence-sharing and some limited coordination on the operational level in Mozambique, the Portuguese could offer Rhodesia little decisive assistance. However, the emerging doctrine of self-determination in colonial situations meant that most nations regarded Rhodesia's self-declared independence as illegitimate. [16][17][18], Over the course of the next three decades, Southern Rhodesia experienced a degree of economic expansion and industrialisation almost unrivaled in sub-Saharan Africa. [6], On 11 November 1965 the Cabinet of Rhodesia issued a unilateral declaration of independence (UDI). The emergence of guerrilla warfare and acts of urban insurrection by the black nationalist parties in Rhodesia allowed racial politics to be elevated into an issue of law and order in white Rhodesian public discourse. [122] Domestic and external intelligence gathering were vested in the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO). [159] South Africa, however, retained its "Accredited Diplomatic Representative" after UDI,[56] which allowed it to continue to recognise British sovereignty as well as to deal with the de facto authority of the government of Ian Smith. [139], Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence from the United Kingdom on 11 November 1965 was promptly condemned by the international community. The Rhodesian military seriously considered mounting a coup against a perceived stolen election ("Operation Quartz") to prevent ZANU from taking over the country. Telecommunications&focus=searchwithinvolume&q=whitlam, 2 years of independence, 1967 Rhodesian MoI film (7 mins), Rhodesia to Zimbabwe, collection of film clips (6 mins), white minority of European descent and culture, Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence, freezing of their assets and blocking of overseas accounts, Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army, Learn how and when to remove this template message, Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front, "The Cabinet Papers | Rhodesia and the Central African Federation", "Full text of "Southern Rhodesia 18901950; A Record of Sixty Years Progress", "Settler Colony History Zimbabwe Africa", "Rhodesia: A Failed Attempt to Maintain Racism into the 21st Century", "Academia.edu | Sport and Racial Discrimination in Colonial Zimbabwe: A Reanalysis | Andrew Novak", "Database Uppsala Conflict Data Program", "Chronology: Rhodesia UDI: Road to Settlement", "Refworld | Chronology for Europeans in Zimbabwe", "A Brief History of Zimbabwe Part 1: Early Kingdoms to UDI", "Ian Smith, Defiant Symbol of White Rule in Africa, Is Dead at 88", Resistance to the "Winds of Change": The Emergence of an "unholy alliance" between Southern Rhodesia, Portugal, and South Africa, 196465, The Wind of Change: Harold Macmillan and British Decolonization, "Policy For Rhodesia from theTribune Magazine Archive", "White referendum in Southern Rhodesia is overwhelmingly in support of Ian Smith's proposal for independence. [52][53] In 1971, the Byrd Amendment was passed in the United States, permitting American firms to go on importing Rhodesian chromium and nickel products as normal. ZANU also attracted business supporters who saw the course that future events were likely to take. Petrol bombings by politicised radicals became increasingly common, with the Zimbabwe Review observing in 1961, "for the first time home-made petrol bombs were used by freedom fighters in Salisbury against settler establishments. Even at the height of the civil war anyone, white or black, could walk round the capital - then called Salisbury - in perfect safety. This attitude was part of the larger decolonisation context, during which Western powers such as the United Kingdom, France, and Belgium hastened to grant independence to their colonies in Africa. It is the largest city and administrative and commercial capital of Zimbabwe and is at an altitude of 4865 feet with a temperate climate. Among the news magazines published in Rhodesia under UDI were the Illustrated Life Rhodesia, while The Valiant Years by Beryl Salt told the history of Rhodesia from 1890 to 1978 entirely through the medium of facsimile reproduction of articles and headlines from Rhodesian newspapers. The United Nations Security Council Resolution 216 of 12 November 1965 called "upon all States not to recognise this illegal racist minority regime in Southern Rhodesia."[140]. They see foreign-based black liberation groups operating against the Portuguese, Rhodesians, and South Africans as the spearhead of a communist thrust into southern Africa. White Rhodesians mostly spoke English, with a minority that spoke Afrikaans. The Lancaster House Agreement further provided for a ceasefire which was followed by an internationally supervised general election, held on February 1980. The population of Rhodesia boomed during the late 1960s due to immigration and an exceptional rate of natural increase among its black citizens, the highest in sub-Saharan Africa at the time.[96]. 26-Nov-2001. Salisbury was the capital of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (1953-63). [43] Nkomo's party, the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) announced that year that it had formed a military wing, the Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) and "the decision to start bringing in arms and ammunition and to send young men away for sabotage training" had already been implemented. [80] It also passed draconian security legislation restricting the right to assembly and granting the security forces broad powers to crack down on suspected political subversives. [123] The size of the Rhodesian Army had swelled to about 20,000 personnel, and the BSAP to over 40,000, including reservists. However, the government forced Todd from office because his proposed reforms were seen by many whites as too radical. These forces, including highly trained special operations units, were capable of launching devastating raids on resistance movement camps outside the country, as in Operation Dingo in 1977 and other similar operations. Ian Smith said in his memoirs that even though many white South Africans supported Rhodesia, South African Prime Minister John Vorster's policy of dtente with the black African states ended up with Rhodesia being offered as the "sacrificial lamb" to buy more time for South Africa. [123] Regular units remained small throughout the Rhodesian Bush War but became increasingly specialised and were often able to have an effect utterly disproportionate to their size. [70], In early April 1966, two groups of ZANLA insurgents recently trained at a Chinese military facility in Nanjing crossed into Rhodesia from Zambia, having been issued vague instructions to sabotage important installations and kill white farmers. [38][39], Emboldened by the results of this referendum and the subsequent general election, the Rhodesian government threatened to declare independence without British consent. With the agreement of the British Governor of Rhodesia, South African troops had entered the country to secure the road approaches to the Beit Bridge border crossing point. [96]:601 Of the 3,000 white men liable for conscription in 1973, only about 1,000 reported when called-up. Within the month, the Rhodesian police and army had launched a counteroffensive codenamed Operation Nickel, killing forty-seven insurgents, capturing another twenty, and driving the survivors across the border into Botswana. 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